Anarcha-feminism , also referred to as anarchist feminism and anarchx-feminism , [1] combines anarchism with feminism. Anarcha-feminism generally posits patriarchy and traditional gender roles as manifestations of involuntary coercive hierarchy that should be replaced by decentralized free association. Anarcha-feminists believe that the struggle against patriarchy is an essential part of class conflict and the anarchist struggle against the state and capitalism. In essence, the philosophy sees anarchist struggle as a necessary component of feminist struggle and vice versa. Susan Brown claims that "as anarchism is a political philosophy that opposes all relationships of power, it is inherently feminist". It is described to be an anti-authoritarian , anti-capitalist , anti-oppressive philosophy, with the goal of creating an "equal ground" between all genders.

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Anarcha-Feminism: Why the Hyphen? Kytha Kurin was part of the collective which published the Open Road anarchist news journal from to The name was inspired by Emma Goldman, who originally wanted to name her monthly review The Open Road , from a Walt Whitman poem, but for copyright reasons had to use another name, ultimately choosing Mother Earth. At its peak, Open Road was the largest circulation English language anarchist publication in North America, with over 14, readers.

In this article, originally published in Open Road No. For many women, our first specifically feminist politicization came through demanding the right to abortion, that is, the right to control our own bodies. Anarchists recognized that an authoritarian, exploitative movement could not possibly create a non-authoritarian, non-exploitative society.

But what anarchist theory recognized, feminists demanded. Anarchist meetings were not substantially different from other Left party meetings. There were some subjects that were relevant to political meetings and there were proper ways of speaking at political meetings. But feminists who now understood politics all too well, demanded that all types of domination and exploitation be recognized as political issues because when oppression confronts people in every aspect of their lives, how can some areas of living be acceptable for political work and others not?

These feminists insisted on confronting domination, power tripping, and sexism right when it happened in a meeting instead of simply in the abstract or outside the group. So a lot of feminists left mixed groups. Some worked in anarcha-feminist groups and many gave up on anarchism altogether Confrontations over abortion rights being the catalyst to many women becoming political, a logical extension was the growth of self-help health collectives.

They worked to reclaim the body as a natural organism that could be understood and cared for by women themselves rather than left to the authority of doctors, multi-billion dollar drug companies or even radical feminists. But the big job of combatting the insidious drug pushing in our culture and the need for major medical research has meant that if feminists are to be really effective we have to also work outside our small collectives.

If contraceptive research has only managed to deteriorate since the Dark Ages because it is economically profitable to drug companies and patriarchy to have it that way, and if contraceptive research is absolutely essential for women, then the power of drug companies and patriarchy has to be confronted. People working in rape relief centres faced the same kind of problems. When the State calls rape a crime it distracts people from realizing that implicitly through advertising, frustration inducement, and the concept of the righteousness of power of the stronger over the weaker, this society in fact promotes rape.

That is, an education that learns from what really is and then moves forward to change the reality. The kind of shared, living, explorative education that has grown within the self-help clinics and rape relief centres is representative of education as practiced by most radical feminists. So why have feminist groups incorporated so many anarchistic principles in our work situations?

Also, by realizing that it is our education that has brought us to this point, we can more consciously extend that kind of education to men, and in particular, to rearing our sons and reinforcing our daughters. We can also recognize the inherent limitations of that very education.

Those hesitations include a tendency towards passivity and towards exploding inside our heads instead of fighting our oppressors. If anarchism is its history, it is also a continuously created explorative and active response to the immediate and to the future. But while I think it is premature to drop the hyphen in anarcha-feminism, I do see the eventual return to—or rather arrival at— anarchism as a liberating prospect.

Putting the anarcha into feminism has helped to place the immediate concrete work done into a historical perspective. While we can only move forward if we first perceive the present real problems and these have become clearer through the work of feminists , we need a vision if we are to move freely forward.

A vision can only be the expression of our past, present and future. Part of that vision includes our anarchist history and part of that history includes the sharing of skills traditionally considered male. Although the feminist experience has advanced the practice, we will find attempts at living non-authoritarian collective lives in our anarchist history—and present. The other two one hears of most frequently are anarcho-syndicalism and anarcho-communism.

In all cases the addition to the anarchism is the element of anarchism that seems to need the most emphasis. Anarcho-communists stress the importance of the communes and the community. Because anarcho-communism is concerned with life in all its personal interactions I would suggest that the word anarchism includes the communism. Anarcha-feminism exhibits aspects of both anarcho-syndicalism and anarcho-communism. To the extent that women are being exploited and degraded more than men, anarcha-feminism is like anarcho-syndicalism.

The emphasis has to be on that part of anarchism that deals with personal and sexual exploitation. Mainly because I do see anarchism—an anarchism broadened by the feminist experience—as the most viable revolutionary direction for the 80s.

Those of us who choose at times to work in mixed groups will probably still have to direct a lot of our energy to emphasizing the feminism in anarchism and of course, many of us will continue to call ourselves anarcha-feminists. For myself, I drop the feminism in the label, but not in the struggle.

Work that I hope will be inspired by the feminist experience includes uncovering our own anarchist roots and experiences, and recognizing the political as an everyday issue. It means paying attention to all expressions of revolt and anti-authoritarianism. From such diverse revolts as the Diggers in England in the s, to the Spanish collectives of the s, to May in France, to squatters in present day Amsterdam, we are reminded that anarchist theory has grown from a human revolt against oppression and a responsibility to life that has preceded any theory.

The experience of radical feminism is the most obviously recent example of this truth. More attention to this heritage should encourage us to examine our immediate living situations more closely and to recognize in them the frequent indications of, and overwhelming potential for, radical rejection of authoritarian society. This is crucial if we are to be more than a discontented few and if we genuinely believe in the possibility of human liberation.

Feminists have become progressively more involved in workplace organizing because the number of working women has risen so dramatically in the last two decades. Just as feminists have fought to clarify the personal of politics, now feminists and anarchists have to insist on our humanness at our workplaces and reject our objectification as workers. Because the workplace is generally so alienating and boring it seems difficult to liberate human energy.

But, because the workplace is where most of us are, once we liberate the human being from the worker, the power of anarchy will be unlimited. Just as feminism has broadened the reality of anarchism, so will the unleashed energy of working people astound us with our own potential.

If we are successful in claiming work as something we do for ourselves rather than something we are for others, our imaginative creative future will know no bounds. If we fail, we know our future only too well The big powers are gearing up for war and playing with nuclear power. Toggle navigation. Close Table of Contents. Title: Anarcha-feminism. Subtitle: Why the Hyphen?

Topics: abortion , feminist , rape , women. Author: Kytha Kurin. Date: Notes: Open Road No. Kytha Kurin Anarcha-feminism Why the Hyphen? Robert Graham,


History and actuality of anarcha-feminism: lessons from Spain - Marta Iniguez de Heredia

Anarcha-Feminism: Why the Hyphen? Kytha Kurin was part of the collective which published the Open Road anarchist news journal from to The name was inspired by Emma Goldman, who originally wanted to name her monthly review The Open Road , from a Walt Whitman poem, but for copyright reasons had to use another name, ultimately choosing Mother Earth. At its peak, Open Road was the largest circulation English language anarchist publication in North America, with over 14, readers.

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Gender oppression includes patriarchy, sexism, homophobia, heterosexism, heteronormativity, transphobia, the gender binary, fatphobia, sexual violence, body image issues etc. It is a political philosophy and movement whose goal is not only to abolish the capitalist state, but also all forms of patriarchal domination. Anarcha feminists do not see the goals of feminism as distinct from anarchism, but they see feminism as a form of anarchism and vice versa. Anarcha feminism suggests the social freedom and liberty of women without dependence upon other groups or parties. It was first defined and created by women who saw radical feminism itself as a form of anarchy.


Anarcha Feminism: The Beginning Of The End Of All Forms Of Oppression

Anarchism and feminism have always been closely linked. Read more…. On the other hand, so long as the people do not care to exercise their freedom, those who wish to tyrannize will do so; … Voltairine de Cleyre — Anarchism and American Traditions. One to whom the making of a table, the building of a house, or the tilling of the soil, is what the painting is to the artist and the discovery to the scientist — the result of inspiration, of intense longing, and deep interest in work as a creative force.

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